1. States Parties shall take all appropriate legislative, administrative, social and educational measures to protect the child from all forms of physical or mental violence, injury or abuse, neglect or negligent treatment, maltreatment or exploitation, including sexual abuse, while in the care of parent(s), legal guardian(s) or any other person who has the care of the child.

2. Such protective measures should, as appropriate, include effective procedures for the establishment of social programmes to provide necessary support for the child and for those who have the care of the child, as well as for other forms of prevention and for identification, reporting, referral, investigation, treatment and follow-up of instances of child maltreatment described heretofore, and, as appropriate, for judicial involvement.

INTRODUCTION

In March, 1998, the Alliance of Five Research Centres on Violence (AFRCV)⁽¹⁾ applied for and received a grant from Status of Women Canada (SWC) to undertake background research for the development of a national action plan on violence prevention for girl children. As innovative partnerships representing both academic and community sectors in different regions, the Research Centres are in a strategic position to undertake this research and provide a portrait of the range and types of violence experienced by girls and young women in Canada.

At the Annual General Meeting of the AFRCV in Manitoba in May, 1998, the Centres identified key issues pertaining to violence against girls and young women. The UN definition of the Girl Child was taken as a point of departure - as a female child between zero and eighteen years of age. Based on their previous work and the expertise gained from their partnerships with community groups, the Centres delineated the range of issues and the types of violence experienced by girls in Canada. These included: poverty, homelessness, lack of knowledge about human rights, prostitution and trafficking, eating disorders, depression, suicide, self-harm, date-rape, the impact of witnessing violence, physical abuse, sexual abuse, gangs and girl-on-girl violence, media violence, sexual harassment in schools, teen pregnancies, hate crimes, racism, homophobia, and cultural exclusion and insensitivity. Many of these issues have been identified in the UN Platform for Action outlined in Beijing, and in the work undertaken by the Working Groups on Girls (WGGs) which were formed at the Vienna World Conference on Human Rights in 1993.

The Alliance members concluded that the multi-faceted experiences of violence confronted by girls and young women were best encapsulated under the theme of Socialization and the Construction of the Girl Child. It was further noted that the philosophical position underpinning the present research endeavour would embrace as a starting point the principle that the girl child should not expect and normalize the fact that she will experience violence in her life; and that girl children have the right to live in a non-violent society.

As a consequence of these initial discussions, each Centre undertook to:

1. Produce a literature review mapping out the findings of existing research dealing with some of these issues;
2. Compile an inventory of programs and services available to girls in their region; and
3. Conduct four focus groups with service providers and girls where possible.

The findings of these different research strategies would serve to provide a comprehensive portrait of the types and range of violence experienced by girls in Canada, prevention and intervention programs and services that are in place; and the findings of current research in the area of violence against girls. These elements would form the groundwork for the development of a national action plan on violence prevention and the girl child.

The following sections detail the findings of this exploratory phase completed by the Centres. As the Quebec situation is different, the report of Le Centre de Recherche Interdisciplinaire sur la Violence Familiale et la Violence Faite aux Femmes (CRI-VIFF) is presented in its entirety. Taken together, these findings provide a window through which Canada's performance as a signatory to the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child can be glimpsed.

THE CANADIAN GIRL CHILD

The specific areas of the literature that each Centre investigated were as follows: the BC/Yukon FREDA Centre examined the literature dealing with: (1) Violence and Eating Disorders; (2) the Sexual Exploitation and Trafficking of Girls; and (3) Experiences of Violence for Marginalized Girls. The RESOLVE Tri-Provincial Network focused on a review of the literature concerning child abuse, its effects, strategies of intervention, and prevention, and the legal issues informing this area. As well, this Centre focused its research on child abuse among Aboriginal girls. The Centre for Research on Violence Against Women and Children in London investigated the literature dealing with: (1) Violence Prevention Education in Schools; (2) Sexual Harassment of Girls (8 to 18 years of age); and (3) Gender Differences in Children's Responses to Exposure to Woman Abuse. The Centre de Recherche Interdisciplinaire sur la Violence Familiale et la Violence Faite aux Femmes (CRI-VIFF), undertook a review of the French language literature on Violence Prevention and the Girl Child focusing on: (1) children who witness violence; (2) dating violence; (3) sexual violence; (4) socialization; (5) maltreatment of girls; and (6) sexual harassment. The Muriel McQueen Fergusson Centre for Research on Family Violence focused on: (1) Depression; (2) Foster Care; (3) Dating Violence; (4) Early Interventions; and (5) Rural Communities, in the Atlantic region. These reviews are presented in Appendix I.

The following sections summarize the general findings of the literature reviews, focus group analyses, and program overviews produced by four centres - the FREDA Centre, RESOLVE, the London Centre, and the Muriel McQueen Fergusson Centre. Quebec's detailed summary thereafter outlines the findings of the French language literature, focus groups with service providers, and analysis of programs and services.

FINDINGS OF THE CURRENT LITERATURE

An analysis of current research dealing with girls and violence prevention reveals a narrow interpretation of violence, concentrating on child sexual or physical abuse, child neglect, sexual exploitation, and the witnessing of violence. These factors were identified as contributing to the greater risk of girls to other forms of violence such as eating disorders, self-harm, depression, suicide, and delinquency. However, aside from specific areas surveyed, for example, eating disorders, delinquency and sexual exploitation, most of the literature on violence prevention tends to focus on "children" rather than girls per se. As well, Canadian literature dealing with the experiences of violence of girls from racialized groups, refugee and immigrant populations, Aboriginal communities, rural communities, working class or poor families, lesbians, or girls with disabilities, is scarce. The reviews draw upon other international studies to highlight future areas of investigation and suggest possible connections between various forms of violence and socio-structural conditions such as state imposed violence.

The Continuum of Violence

The Canadian Federation of University Women report on the Girl Child reveals that more than half (54%) of girls under the age of 16 have experienced some form of unwanted sexual attention, another 24% have experienced rape or coercive sex, and 17% have experienced incest. Of the sexual assaults reported to police, 63% involve girls under 18 years of age (Russell, 1996). These figures do not take into consideration girls who have witnessed violence at home or school.

For girls who are differently situated by virtue of their race, sexual orientation, disability and class, the situation is compounded by their marginalization and "lack of fit" within the dominant, white, heterosexual world. The situation of young lesbians has been documented in the US revealing a suicide rate that is two to three times that of the national average (Hunter, 1990; Savin-Williams, 1994). Stigmatized and subjected to verbal and physical abuse, these girls lead a socially isolated existence. Homophobic attitudes construct the closet. "Compulsory heterosexuality" ensures that they remain there (Rich, 1979/80). Similarly, girls with disabilities experience higher rates of sexual abuse (at four times the national average) because of their dependent status, isolation, and the negative stereotypes that prevail in the dominant society (Razack, 1994a). Afraid to report the abuse because of the fear of not being believed, many of these girls continue to lead lives that are jeopardized by threats and actual incidents of violence (Ticoll and Panitch, 1993).

The heightened vulnerability to violence experienced by Aboriginal/indigenous girls has also been noted. In Canada, 75% of Aboriginal girls under the age of 18 have been sexually abused (McIvor and Nahanee, 1998). Furthermore, Aboriginal girls are hospitalized for attempting suicide at twice the rate of boys. These figures do not begin to tell the full story. State level violence as imposed through child apprehension and transfers to foster homes, allows for the state to continue its practices of colonization. Confronted by racism, sexual abuse, physical, and verbal abuse, many girls choose to run away from foster homes and reserves. Homeless and destitute, they survive on the streets where their vulnerability to violence escalates. It has been noted that the mortality rates for Canadian girls and women on the streets is 40 times higher than the national average (Davis, 1994). Many of these are Aboriginal women and children.

Working Groups on Girls (WGGs) noted in its report that immigrant and refugee girls also experience higher rates of violence because of dislocation, racism, and sexism from both within their own communities and the external society (Friedman, 1995). Caught between two cultures, where their own is devalued and constructed as inferior, and where cultural scripts in both worlds encode patriarchal values, these girls face a tremendous struggle in trying to "fit." When they don't, they suffer intense backlash. Economic pressures force many of them to turn to the sex-trade, and to work that is devalued. Harsh immigration restrictions force many of them to use illegal routes to get into the country, the payment for that often being sexual exploitation. Many of these girls have often witnessed violence in the war zones of their countries, or in refugee camps in host countries.

Poverty is one of the major contributing factors to the violence experienced by girls. In the hierarchy of industrialized countries, Canada's child poverty ranks second to other nations. In Canadian cities, 1 out of every 3 children is raised in a home with an income below the poverty line. In rural areas, the rate is 1 in 5 (Welsh, et al., 1995). Poverty itself constitutes a form of violence, but that violence is compounded by the particular pressures of living in a society that values consumption and material wealth. Poverty and homelessness facilitates the sexual exploitation of girls and young women.

Attempting to "fit in" has severe consequences. Self-mutilation and self-hatred marks the lives of many Canadian girls. It often takes the form of addictions. Sexualized by the media, constructed as commodities and markets, trained to be nurturers and caregivers, and having their wants and voices trivialized and dismissed, Canadian girls need to have their realities recognized, and require support, resources, and programs which address their specific concerns.

The kinds of violence that Canadian girls encounter spans the entire continuum - from verbal, physical and psychological abuse, to sexual violence, homophobia, racism, classism, and poverty. While girl gang violence may be prominent in the public imagination, the reality is, as a recent Elizabeth Fry Society report reveals, that only 3.83% of violent crimes are committed by young female offenders (Schramm, 1998). Further, as Artz (1998) reveals, much of the violence enacted by girls on girls has its roots in child sexual and physical abuse.

Child Abuse and Its Effects

Canadian studies reveal that girls constitute 84% of the reported victims of sexual abuse, 60% of physical child abuse cases, and 52% of cases of reported neglect (Department of Justice, 1992). Girls are two to three times more likely to experience sexual abuse than boys. The Correctional Service of Canada (cited in McIvor and Nahanee, 1998), found that up to 75% of Aboriginal victims of sex crimes are females under 18 years of age, 50% are under 14 years, and almost 25% are younger than seven. Similarly, the rate for girls with disabilities is quadruple that of the national average (Razack, 1994a).

Existing studies also suggest that girls tend to internalize the effects of violence, whereas boys tend to externalize their responses (Hughes and Barad, 1983; Jaffe, et al., 1986). Girls are reported to have more fear-related symptoms as compared to boys (Finkelhor and Kendall-Tackett, 1997). Further, girls are more at risk for physical and sexual violence from their parents or other family members, whereas boys are more at risk from stranger initiated violence.

Depression and Eating Disorders

Psychological abuse tends not to be defined in the literature, or is defined indirectly in symptomatic language to include eating disorders, suicide attempts, self harm, and depression (LaRocque, 1993; McEvoy and Daniluk, 1995; McGillivray and Comaskey, in press; Shkilnyk, 1985). A recent study of Canadian girls found that 38% of 13-year-olds, and 48% of 15-year-olds, believed they were overweight (King, Wold, Tudor-Smith, and Harel, 1996). Research indicates that up to 61% of North American white girls with eating disorders had experienced sexual abuse in the past, with the average age at the time of abuse being 10 years (Miller, 1996). There is scant literature that makes the link between disordered eating and state-mediated violence, for example, in terms of the impact of forced relocation, ghettoization in reserves and camps, and other exclusionary measures (Moore, 1998). American studies (e.g., Robinson, et al., 1996) have revealed that Hispanic and Asian girls were at risk primarily because their body dissatisfaction levels were in some cases higher than those of White girls, yet these girls' views have tended not to be examined by Canadian researchers.

The effects of sexual abuse have also been linked to depression. Girls between the ages of 12 and 17 are diagnosed with depression at almost twice the rate as boys (Canadian Mental Health Association, 1995; National Health Population Survey, Statistics Canada, 1995). Moreover, girls also respond differently to depression than do boys. Nevertheless, it is clear that violence experienced by girls results in low self-esteem, low educational attainment, and negative self- and body-image.

Suicide

Girls attempt suicide 4 to 5 times more often than do boys, but use less lethal means to do so (Debold, 1995; Health and Welfare Canada, 1994). Girls are more likely to attempt suicide if they have experienced sexual assault and sexual harassment. The socio-structural situation of specific groups of girls also influences their vulnerability to depression, suicide, and other forms of violence. The suicide rate for Aboriginal girls is 8 times that of the national average for non-Aboriginal girls (National Forum on Health, 1997). It has been noted that girls in foster care, homeless girls, rural girls, and girls from stigmatized social groups are more vulnerable to violence.

Socialization

It is apparent that the abuse (sexual, physical and emotional) of girls not only results in gender-specific responses, but is inextricably tied to the sex-role socialization of girls as girls. It has been found, for instance, that girls who rated themselves as more masculine and whose parents' marriages were more egalitarian, tended to have lower rates of depression, and were more likely to have a greater sense of control and self-efficacy (Obeidallah, McHale, and Silbereisen, 1996). Yet, few studies have explored the links between gender-based socialization and vulnerability to violence, or the connections between violence against girls and societal valuations of girls. Studies of rural women and violence have though, alluded to the entrenched and pervasive patriarchal norms that prevail in rural communities (Websdale, 1998). Rather, child abuse has tended to be investigated from a gender-neutral and individualistic perspective, despite the fact that gender appears to be a key determinant.

Witnessing Violence

A significant component of the existing literature deals with children who witness violence. It is estimated that 40% to 100% of children in violent homes have witnessed some form of violence (Bard, 1970; Graham-Bermann and Levendosky, 1998). Observing violence contributes to the learning of violent behaviours and ways to handle conflicts in relationships, and to an increased acceptance and normalization of violence. Studies report that children who witness violence in the family suffer from various adjustment problems in their interactions with peers, their academic performance, and general social behaviour. There are some indications that these children are at further risk of being physically or sexually abused. The literature, however, does not focus on gender differences in children's responses to witnessing violence. Rather, the general findings suggest that externalizing problems are more likely to be reported among boys, whereas girls exhibit more internalized responses (Hughes and Barad, 1983; Jaffe, et al., 1986). Despite this finding, the differential socialization of boys and girls is rarely stated or analyzed to explain these differences. The negative impact of witnessing violence seems to be mediated by children's perceptions of the intensity and frequency of events.

Witnessing violence can lead to feelings of fear, anger, mistrust, and alienation in children. Existing studies on homeless and sexually exploited youth point to the occurrence of domestic violence as a causative agent. For many children, witnessing or being directly brutalized by violence in the home forces them to seek shelter and affection elsewhere. The literature on girl gangs suggests that girls tend to seek a sense of belonging in gangs as a result of the violence they either witness or experience in their homes (Artz, 1998). Evidence also suggests that boys who have witnessed violence are more likely to be violent in their relationships in adolescence and young adulthood (Carlson, 1990; Jaffe, et al., 1990; Mercer, 1987), whereas girls may repeat the patterns of victimization they have witnessed. However, methodological problems flaw the studies of child witnessing of violence beginning with the problem of definition: it is unknown what types of violence exposure child witnesses have experienced. This is an under-researched area and process/outcome studies are rare.

Systemic Factors

Sexual Harassment

The link between sexism and violence is rendered explicit in examinations of sexual harassment. Studies focusing on sexual harassment within schools identify the manner in which girls are inferiorized, stigmatized, trivialized, and abused because of their gender. A survey of 4,200 girls between 9 and 19 years of age, revealed that 80% had experienced sexual harassment in some form, and half reported encountering it daily (Stein, 1993).

The effects of sexual harassment are far-reaching. Girls often drop out of school, develop eating and other disorders, experience a lack of self-esteem, and suffer from depression and isolation. Sexual harassment, in its multiple forms, is a poignant reminder to girls that they are not valued, and that they occupy a subordinate place in the patriarchal system.

Dating Violence

The literature reviews also focused on dating violence as a pervasive phenomenon experienced by girls and young women. One study that surveyed 800 girls in the Atlantic region found that 22% had experienced an incident of psychological or physical abuse. Another 19% had experienced sexual coercion, and 29% of the girls reported having experienced some form of dating violence (Byers and Price, 1997). A study of male students at the University of Manitoba found that 43% had perpetrated some form of violence in their dating relationships. The research suggests that males who adhere to traditional sex-role stereotypes and attitudes, and whose peers also support violent behaviour, are more likely to engage in dating violence (Barnes, et al., 1991).

More recently, eco-systemic approaches have been employed to include an examination of social, cultural, and societal influences which contribute to violence. This is particularly true of feminist investigations of body-image, eating disorders, and gender-biased messages perpetuated by the dominant media. These investigations highlight the role of power imbalances suggesting that girls by virtue of their age and gender are at increased risk for violence. This analysis is borne out when one considers that adolescent wives (between the ages of 15 and 19 years of age) are murdered three times more often than adult wives (Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics, 1994).

Sexual Exploitation

The issue of sexual exploitation of girls also highlights the intersecting effects of age and gender. Existing studies point to the connection between child abuse and teenage prostitution. More recent studies have also brought to light socio-structural factors contributing to the sexual exploitation of girls and young women. Contributing factors that have been identified include: previous experiences of violence in the home; poverty; un/under employment; homelessness; the devaluation and sexualization of women as commodities; urban-rural migration; and the use of prostitution as a vehicle by which to access basic resources such as shelter, food, money, and immigration status. Changes in law do not have the desired effect as they fail to address the basic, underlying causes of trafficking and exploitation. Existing laws tend to criminalize young women (Lowman, 1987; 1998). Additionally, girls are usually controlled by male pimps, whereas boys are not. The widely varied age restrictions on eligibility to programs and services compound the situation of street-involved and sexually exploited girls (Suleman and McLarty, 1997). Studies also underline the role of patriarchal and colonial attitudes as major factors underpinning the sex trade. As well, a key element in the international trafficking of girls and young women is the use of the Internet for advertising sex tours and pornography (Hughes, 1996; 1997). Poverty and lack of alternative economic opportunities however, remain significant factors contributing to the trafficking and sexual exploitation of girls and young women.

Marginalized Girls

The review of current literature dealing with marginalized girls illustrates the impact of systemic structures of oppression in terms of shaping the lived reality of girls. While the literature on sexual abuse collapses gender distinctions into the overall category of "children" and "youth," similarly, marginalized girls' concerns are collapsed into categories dealing with their specific community identities, or universalized into the general category of "girls" wherein white, middle-class girls are the norm. Alternatively, much of the literature focuses on marginalized girls within the framework of delinquency, most notably, their participation in gangs and criminal activities. Most of the latter literature tends to be American. However, its influence on Canadian studies is apparent in the references to Aboriginal and working class girls primarily within the context of sexual crime. More recent studies depart from this preoccupation by concentrating on the intergenerational transmission of violence and vulnerability to violence within the context of colonization and its legacy (Razack, 1994a; 1994b).

The specific interactions between race, class, sexuality, disability, and gender are rarely examined or acknowledged in most Canadian literature. Nevertheless, as European and American studies tend to suggest, the interlocking effects of sexism and racism, and/or sexual orientation combined with disability, racism, and classism, constitute complex interactions of multiple systems of domination. These systems constitute a form of violence unto themselves, and markedly shape the reality, life chances, and choices that are available to marginalized girls. That girls who are lesbians/racialized, have disabilities, or come from rural, poor, or working class backgrounds, and face unique barriers with respect to accessing services is well documented. Moreover, because of their marginalized status, many of these girls are more vulnerable to other forms of violence. The higher rates of suicide, sexual abuse, and addictions among girls from specific marginalized groups attest to their increased vulnerability and isolation. The multiple forms of oppression they experience undermine the development of a positive sense of self and social identity. Their lack of "fit" further isolates them. As targeted groups, they are particularly vulnerable to hate crimes, and more subtle expressions of homophobia, racism, classism and ableism. State mandated forms of violence such as forced relocation, child apprehension and adoption strategies, and official residency requirements, also impact on the lives of these girls and interact with other forms of oppression.

^1. The Alliance consists of the BC/Yukon Feminist Research, Education, Development & Action (FREDA) Centre; the RESOLVE Tri-Provincial Network, formerly known as the Manitoba Research Centre on Family Violence and Violence Against Women; the Centre for Research on Violence Against Women and Children in London, Ontario; Le Centre de Recherche Interdisciplinaire sur la Violence Familiale et la Violence Faite aux Femmes (CRI-VIFF), based in Quebec; and the Muriel McQueen Fergusson Centre for Family Violence Research, in New Brunswick. The Centres were established in 1992 with a five-year period of joint funding from Health Canada and the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.