The interview and focus groups data, although rich and voluminous in detail, cohered around certain dominant and sub-dominant themes. These broadly dealt with women's immediate realities including fear for their safety, continued criminal harassment, concern for children, poverty and financial dependency, patriarchal values and beliefs, and negative responses from the community and services. Specific issues addressing rurality centred on isolation, lack of and inadequate services, access to services, and lack of anonymity and confidentiality. In addition, themes dealing with attachment to and appreciation of rural life were also woven throughout the data. These issues are dealt with in greater detail in the following sections. Women survivors' voices are the point of departure for the analysis and, hence, the first section deals with themes that impact most immediately on their lives. Subsequent sections concentrate on broader, more contextual factors such as community responses to woman abuse.

Since rurality is the focus of investigation, each of the sections dealing with dominant and sub-dominant themes concludes with an examination of the specific aspects of rurality that are at play and that inform the experiences of violence for rural women.

LIVING WITH OR LEAVING ABUSIVE RELATIONSHIPS

LIVING IN FEAR

By far, the most common concern articulated by survivors, key informants, service providers, and community residents was the issue of fear. Many women survivors felt unsafe and feared spousal reprisal and harassment, which could result in their and their children's death. The sense of overwhelming fear was heightened by women survivors' geographic, social, and psychological isolation. The geographic isolation of women in rural communities meant that fewer support systems were available and that there were no witnesses in close proximity who could monitor or intervene in the abusive relationship. This situation contributed to women's sense of danger. Interestingly, whereas much of the research in the area of rural woman and violence mentions women's fear, it does so in passing (e.g., Fahnestock, 1992; Navin, et al., 1993; Websdale, 1995a).⁽⁹⁾ The literature examines structural and social factors that contribute to women's vulnerability in rural areas, rather than on fear as a central issue per se.

In analyzing the interview and focus group data, fear was not only cited as a central issue, but the different facets of living with fear were highlighted by all participants. These facets included the fear of being alone and facing an uncertain future; fear of violence itself; fear of being discovered when seeking help; fear of ongoing and continued harassment; fear of relocating to another environment; fear of being stigmatized; and fear of losing control over the process following disclosure. These fears have been outlined in the general literature dealing with woman abuse (e.g., DeKeseredy and MacLeod, 1997; Marshall, et al., 1993). Nevertheless, the experiential reality of fear as articulated by women survivors in this study poignantly underscores the sociological nature of woman abuse. As this literature highlights, risk for the abused woman increases when she attempts to leave the relationship or break contact with her abuser (Browne, 1997; Cooper, 1994; Wilson, et al., 1995).⁽¹⁰⁾

In addition to the above, women survivors were afraid of the consequences for their spouses and children of reporting the abuse. Their apprehension was grounded in fears about their spouses being imprisoned or deported and their children being apprehended by the Ministry of Children and Families. Throughout the data, participants mentioned the fear of poverty subsequent to leaving abuse. In particular, interviewees described the loss of spousal income, lack of employment opportunities, inadequacy and inaccessibility of social assistance, unavailability of emergency aid, and inability to access money that is controlled by the abusing spouse. As well, fear stemming from the loss of reputation, stigmatization, and community backlash were cited as impacting on women's decisions to report the abuse or seek help.

For women from marginalized religious and cultural communities, fears of disclosing the abuse were closely tied to the implications of this on their community's image in the larger community. They were fearful that disclosures would entrench negative stereotypes of their communities being backward and that this, in turn, would contribute to an increase in racism against their communities. Razack has noted this in her study of Aboriginal women and women of colour survivors of abuse in encounters with the legal system (Razack, 1994).

Impact of Rurality

Aspects of rurality that were identified as contributing to, or intensifying, these fears were: geographical isolation; lack of anonymity and confidentiality; accessibility of weapons (guns); and, having to leave the community in order to escape the abusive relationship. The impact of geographic isolation has been mentioned above. However, many survivors, service providers and key informants noted that women are often deliberately moved to remote and rural areas by abusers in order to cut their connections to friends and support networks. Existing studies confirm this point (Biesenthal and Sproule, 1997).

The easy accessibility of guns in rural areas has been cited in the literature (Nolan 1992; Websdale, 1998). Many women, key informants, and service providers highlighted their concern that guns increased the danger, and specifically the lethality of danger, that rural women living with abuse experience.

Lack of anonymity and confidentiality were also cited as key issues affecting women in abusive relationships. Participants noted that survivors were often unable to hide from an abuser because of the small size of the community and were particularly vulnerable to harassment and stalking by the abuser. In addition, they were sometimes forced to confront an abusive spouse in court or other public areas in the community. In the context of the close-knit nature of rural communities, lack of a private means of communication (i.e., the use of party telephone lines or police scanners which are monitored by other residents) was also a concern. Such lack of confidentiality in service delivery to women in rural communities has also been identified in the current literature (e.g., Biesenthal and Sproule, 1997; Edleson and Frank, 1991).

Community denial and backlash were also identified as critical issues by all participants. Women leaving abusive relationships often face loss of reputation and public humiliation as a result of stigmatization in their communities. The small size of the community combined with the lack of anonymity, stereotypes about survivors, and denial of woman abuse contribute to the marginalization of these women. The dynamics of denial, stigmatization, and backlash against front-line service providers have been underscored in the current literature on woman abuse in rural settings (e.g., Lovelace, 1993; Peterson and Weissert, 1982).

ISOLATION

Geographic, social and psychological isolation were dominant themes emerging from the data. The data suggest that there is an interplay between the social (e.g., lack of social support networks) and psychological isolation (e.g., humiliation, withdrawal) experienced by women survivors, and this interplay is accentuated by rural factors. Geographic isolation meant that women often faced abuse alone, with little proximity to neighbours or support networks who could intervene or contact help. Police detachments and other emergency services were often located a substantial travelling distance away, resulting in slow or no response during crisis. Inaccessibility to help was exacerbated by a lack of telephones and a lack of transportation. Public transportation was often unavailable (e.g., transit) or costly and unreliable (e.g., taxi service). The woman may not have access to a personal vehicle or her abuser may control her access. Moreover, party lines and police scanners may make the woman's crisis call or attempt to find resources audible to her community.

Social isolation was a significant theme in the interviews with survivors and was described in terms of the abusive partner's control over access to friends and family. This control often extended to prevent the woman from leaving the home even for short periods of time to work or to go shopping. Visible signs of physical abuse also contribute to social isolation making women feel that they cannot show themselves to others for fear of being blamed.

Women survivors noted that they would often respond to the abuse by withdrawing and isolating themselves. In some cases, this was used as a form of protection in order to discourage further abuse. Additionally, the fear of public humiliation by abusers and the shame associated with being in abusive relationships contributed to women's withdrawal from participating in social life.

Cultural isolation was understood as referring to lack of access to support and services in other languages. This was identified as a critical issue for women who do not speak English and who are in violent relationships. Not having access to a network of people who shared the same cultural background was found to be isolating for Aboriginal women, and immigrant and racialized women. The needs of marginalized women are not being met by existing services, nor do services have knowledge about the needs of these women. Programs for Aboriginal, immigrant and racialized women are often held on a one-time basis and for a limited period while funding is available. This renders marginalized women more vulnerable to abuse. In addition, these women are further isolated by the racism they encounter from communities and service providers, and by the sexism within their own communities (Razack, 1995).

Impact of Rurality

Geographic isolation is a key feature of rurality. However, distance from services and neighbours, which is an inherent part of rurality, clearly heightens the risks faced by women living with abuse (Biesenthal and Sproule, 1997; Navin, et al., 1993). Additionally, in rural communities with a transient population, the experience of isolation is augmented by the lack of familiarity with others and the absence of a support network. The data suggest that the various forms of isolation experienced by women survivors in rural settings intersect and amplify each other (see also Geissinger, et al., 1993, cited in Biesenthal and Sproule, 1997). Community reactions of denial and victim blaming reinforce the sense of isolation. The isolation experienced by Aboriginal women, as well as immigrant and racialized women is compounded by the lack of culturally specific services and support available for them in these communities (see also, Health Canada, 1994). Moreover, the experience of racism in small communities may be more acute because of the lack of diversity and the greater emphasis on social conformity.

COMMITMENT TO RELATIONSHIP AND ATTACHMENT TO LAND

Commitment to the relationship in the hopes that it would change was a primary reason given by survivors for remaining in an abusive relationship. In fact, many survivors stated that they would now exhort women to leave at the first sign of abuse, based on their experience which underlined the futility of this hope. Other reasons for remaining were attributed to the resulting feelings of loss and shame. Pressure from families and friends, as well as the reluctance to involve external agencies such as the police, were also cited by survivors and key informants as reasons for staying in the relationship.

A frequent theme in the interviewee transcripts was the attachment to the land and appreciation for rural life. For many survivors, the act of leaving an abusive relationship translates into leaving an area and community. Further, leaving one's rural community can mean loss of property, networks, and the loss of an environment that some interviewees noted as being more beneficial to children.

Impact of Rurality

Participants also described how women who are considering leaving abuse may not trust in the availability of community support, or opportunities for a better life. Key informants in particular, emphasized how women would often return to an abusive relationship after experiencing a lack of support and services from the community. The cycle of returning and leaving has been noted by front-line workers in both urban and rural settings (MacLeod, 1987). However, given the paucity of resources in rural areas and the close-knit nature of the community, the options for women in rural areas are more limited (Coorey, nd, cited in Biesenthal and Sproule, 1997; Websdale, 1995a). Additionally, the cohesiveness of the community and its emphasis on social conformity create pressures for women to remain in abusive relationships and not involve outside authorities (see Biesenthal and Sproule, 1997; Edleson and Frank, 1991; Navin, et al., 1993).

CHILDREN

The second most commonly cited reason for remaining in or leaving abusive relationships was the woman's concern for her children. Women survivors, service providers, and key informants concurred on the relevance of this issue. Survivors were particularly concerned about their children becoming targets of abuse, witnessing the abuse, or being used as hostages to control the women. Additionally, they were concerned about their children being apprehended and custody being awarded to abusers. This issue has become increasing salient in rural areas of BC where in one town, Quesnel, over seventy children were apprehended by the Ministry of Children and Families between November 28, 1997 and January 31, 1998 (Pemberton, 1998).

Child apprehension is a concern particularly relevant to Aboriginal women as highlighted in the considerable evidence which indicates the disproportionate degree of apprehension of children from Aboriginal homes, their subsequent fostering and adoption into predominantly white homes, and the substantially greater proportion of Aboriginal children who are placed out of province or in the U.S. (Christian, 1982; Dempster, 1995; Frank, 1996).

Disputes over child custody and access issues were cited by service providers as constituting yet another mechanism by which abusers continue to harass women survivors. In a recent study, Goundry (1998) found that cases involving custody and access, and those based on varying child support payments, were one means by which abusers used the courts to continue to harass their ex-spouses (see also Taylor, et al., 1996).

Current policies of the Ministry of Children and Families and the Ministry of Human Resources have created a double-bind for women leaving abuse. On the one hand, to report the abuse to the Ministry of Children and Families may result in the apprehension of the woman's children until she has left the relationship. Yet, the woman will not be given financial assistance until she has already left the relationship, thereby making it financially prohibitive for her to escape and to take her children with her.

The majority of the interviewees and participants emphasized the need for early prevention through education in schools. They suggested that children and adolescents be exposed to new models for conflict resolution, definitions of healthy relationships, and information about violence and woman abuse. They argued for the need to change the way in which children are socialized. In particular, the need to challenge existing gender roles, gender-related power imbalances, and societal acceptance of media violence was emphasized. As well, survivors and key informants expressed concern over the way in which children who are survivors of abuse are stigmatized.

Impact of Rurality

One specific aspect of rurality that impacts on children includes the stigmatization of children who have witnessed or been victims of violence. This is especially the case in rural communities where lack of anonymity results in victims' identities being known to all. Further, the small size of the community means that there are a limited number of schools and programs for children survivors. In cases involving court appearances, survivors and informants mentioned frequent cases where women would be forced to confront and interact with abusers because of the lack of space, anonymity and privacy. As well, the heightened public attention accorded to child apprehension in the local media may increase any reluctance on the part of women to report the abuse they and their children are experiencing. It must be noted, that in BC since the Gove Commission's Inquiry into child abuse (Gove, 1995), government intervention in cases of actual or potential child abuse appears to have intensified (Pemberton, 1998).

POVERTY AND FINANCIAL DEPENDENCY

Interviewees and participants concurred that economic considerations are relevant factors influencing women to stay in abusive relationships. Specific themes that emerged from the data referenced the lack of: skills, education and training; employment prospects; control over financial assets and money; affordable housing; adequate medical and pharmaceutical coverage; dependence on government income assistance programs; and inadequate funds for obtaining legal services. Many of these issues are common to urban women survivors of violence. However, some participants noted that in rural areas, women survivors also face the additional burden of fewer available services and more widespread community knowledge, and therefore stigmatization, if they receive economic assistance.

Financial dependency was cited as a concern by both women survivors of abuse and service providers. Economic abuse was cited as one factor leading to financial dependency on the abusive spouse. Consistent with previous research on woman abuse (Biesenthal and Sproule, 1997), in this study, participants reported that abusers frequently monitored and controlled the woman's access to bank accounts, income, assets, knowledge of household finances, and credit cards. Without adequate knowledge regarding their property and legal rights, women are more vulnerable to losing their savings and assets. This situation is common to women in both urban and rural areas. However, access to legal information and services in urban areas is considerably greater.

Impact of Rurality

The economic situation in many rural communities is significantly worse than in the larger, more diversified economies of urban areas (Constantineau, 1998; Hamilton, 1998). In addition, education and skills training programs are not always available or accessible because of distances, the small size of the population, and the priority accorded to the needs of rural communities by various levels of government.

The issue of being labelled and stigmatized for receiving income assistance is heightened in rural communities by the lack of anonymity and confidentiality. As well, the impact of classist stereotypes about poor and working-class people may be especially acute for women living in the more middle-class pockets of rural communities, as was the case in one of the research sites examined in this study.

COMMUNITY RESPONSE TO REACHING OUT

Community responses to woman abuse were generally described as being negative. Denial and victim blaming were the most often cited reasons for the negative response. Project participants pointed to the frequently asked question of "Why don't women leave?" Instead, they argued for a re-framing of the question so as to ask "Why don't men leave?" Dominant themes included patriarchal values which legitimized the devaluation of women and unequal power relations; acceptance of abuse; privacy of domestic issues and male property rights; secrecy of small communities in covering up woman abuse; media stereotypes of women, and gender-based socialization patterns.

Rural Patriarchy

In addition to the above, focus group participants mentioned the limited constructions of masculinity that were favoured in rural communities. These were seen as being tied to the particular types of resource-based occupations available in rural areas, and reinforced by the rural ethic of self-sufficiency. This issue was also linked to the socialization of boys and men to be fearful of showing any sensitivity. Suzanne Pharr (1988) has theorized the link between the devaluation of the feminine and men's fears of transgressing sexual identity. This theme of homophobia was used to underscore the role of heterosexuality as the norm whereby men are the providers and owners of the household and women are to be subordinate nurturers. Within this context, any form of resistance to these gender-defined roles is met with backlash. Participants and interviewees discussed the backlash they had experienced within the context of organizing against violence. Feminists were also perceived by the community as special interest groups with an agenda to secure funding.

Impact of Rurality

Websdale's (1998) concept of rural patriarchy seems especially fitting here in terms of describing the rigid gender-based roles and patriarchal values extant in the two research communities. As the above discussion indicates, the ethic of self-sufficiency, notions of ownership, and heterosexual masculinity that underpin rural patriarchy are also apparent here. Further, living in rural areas demands a certain degree of self-sufficiency given that services are either lacking or located at a fair distance. Hence, the articulation of patriarchal values and beliefs assumes a distinct form in an environment where self-reliance feeds into notions of masculinity and the latter construct is reinforced by and resonates with the particular occupational opportunities that are available.

ACCESSING SERVICES

LACK OF INFORMATION ABOUT SERVICES

Many survivors identified the lack of information about woman abuse as a critical factor impacting on their decisions to remain in an abusive relationship. Identifying behaviour as abusive and naming it as such are very much contingent on how these issues are articulated and framed in the public sphere. The women's movement has historically attempted to forward a definition of violence against women as constitutive of unacceptable behaviour and as expressing unequal relations of power (DeKeseredy and MacLeod, 1997; Dobash and Dobash, 1992). However, experiencing and naming abuse, as this study reveals, are not synonymous. Having accessible and public information about woman abuse is essential to empowering women. Similarly, services for aiding survivors to cope and leave an abusive relationship are vital. All participants in this study stressed the need for information about legal and social services in plain and multiple languages. The need for the media to publicize information about woman abuse was also emphasized.

Impact of Rurality

The small size of the rural communities combined with their cohesive nature often makes it difficult for information about woman abuse to be publicized. As the participants in this study noted, there is considerable backlash and denial directed toward women who discuss the issue in an open forum or organize against woman abuse. In urban areas, the impact of backlash can be lessened by the higher degree of anonymity and the greater range of groups that are involved in the struggle to end woman abuse. Within a larger urban context, the greater number of front-line workers and women's organizations helps construct more anonymity within activism. But in a smaller community, in which fewer individuals may attend events and be involved in service delivery, participation in activism is more visible and less anonymous. As a result, backlash and ridicule may be more personally targeted. The degree to which backlash and denial are intensified in rural settings has been noted in the current literature (Geauvreau, 1996; Navin, et al., 1993).

LACK OF AND INADEQUACY OF SERVICES

Lack of services was the predominant theme in interviews with survivors and key informants and in the focus groups with community residents and service providers. The data indicate that existing services are acutely inadequate for woman survivors of abuse in rural settings. Lack and inadequacy of services were attributed to geographic isolation resulting in great distances, erratic and restricted schedules of service delivery, and expense of services. This was especially the case with public transportation. As well, existing services were characterized by long waiting lists, rotating personnel, non-empathic response, lack of coordinated response, and for community-based services, an over-reliance on volunteer labour. (Services pertaining to the criminal justice system and health care are dealt with in a later section of this report.) The lack of adequately trained service providers was reiterated by focus group participants and key informants. In particular, respondents felt that service providers must be trained in issues related to woman abuse and in the compassionate delivery of services. Some suggested that the most appropriate service providers would be those women who had themselves survived abuse.

Specific services that were found to be lacking included adequate child care and financial support which could enable women to seek assistance; counselling treatment programs; and educational programs to better inform women of their rights and their eligibility for services and supports. In addition, many survivors mentioned the need for increased women-centred services as these were found to be the most helpful.

Impact of Rurality

The lack and inadequacy of services in rural areas has been cited in both the academic and community-based literature (Dempster, 1995; Frank, 1996; Hopkins, et al., 1995; Hymers, 1993; Irving, 1985; Olson, 1988). Edleson and Frank (1991) and Lovelace (1993) make specific reference to the use of volunteer labour to provide social services in rural areas. Volunteer labour can result in high staff turnover, inconsistent service provision, limited service hours, and volunteers who may themselves be drained by poverty or multiple jobs. Impersonality of service providers to survivors of woman abuse has also been mentioned in the literature (Sidhu, et al., 1996). However, in rural settings, where other supportive services are less available and where there are fewer service providers, receiving a cold and disinterested response can be particularly devastating. The situation is exacerbated by the lack of transportation and the difficulty of travelling to urban areas to access services. Moreover, government services (e.g., Social Services) generally require women to make appointments, but such a demand is ill-suited to a woman who seizes an opportunity to escape.

BARRIERS TO SERVICES

As the data indicated, responses of existing institutional services (i.e., government-based social services, medical and legal services) were criticized for their lack of compassion, not providing proper information, and for stigmatizing women survivors of abuse. Victim blaming and trivialization about woman abuse were some of the responses identified. Many survivors and key informants mentioned how women leaving abusive relationships were stereotyped and pathologized. Women survivors revealed how their own experiences were not taken seriously and how they were often provided with contradictory information. Participants concurred that, by and large, woman abuse was not recognized as a problem by these services (see also Fahnestock, 1992). The alienating response of institutionalized services was a common theme throughout the data, as was the emphasis on the necessity and efficacy of advocates to obtain services. In addition, lack of financial assistance for and difficulty obtaining vouchers for child care and transportation were cited as major barriers impeding women from accessing services.

Social Services

Social services in the form of income assistance, as administered by the Ministry of Human Resources was seen as being particularly obstructive. Women survivors mentioned receiving advice to relocate to an urban area rather than being assisted by personnel. Threats of child apprehension by social service agencies was also a dominant theme in this category. Others mentioned that the quality of service depended on the kind of worker that was assigned to them. Women were not told about their rights or eligibility for services unless they were accompanied by an advocate. Some services would simply not respond to their inquiries. Navin et al. (1993) mention this lack of response in their study concerning woman abuse in rural areas. Olson (1988:10) discusses the stereotypes that many social service providers in rural areas hold about survivors of abuse as "passive-dependent" and Fahnestock (1992:14) refers to service providers holding women responsible for the abuse they were experiencing.

Medical Services

Responses to medical services were mixed. Some of the survivors and key informants expressed reservations about physician and hospital treatment of woman survivors. While some physicians were helpful, participants more frequently described experiences of woman blaming, shame, humiliation, and not being believed. Medical practitioners may fail to understand patterns of abuse, not recognize signs of abuse, or refuse to attribute physical injury to violence. Focus group participants specifically noted that physicians in rural areas were dismissive of women's experiences of abuse. Project participants also observed that hospital personnel were not generally trained to deal with woman abuse and that shift changes sometimes impacted the immediacy and consistency with which women were treated.

Criminal Justice System

Police

Lack of police response was a dominant theme in the data. Participants and interviewees identified patriarchal values as informing police treatment of woman abuse. Lack of involvement, slow or no response, and lack of enforcement of peace bonds and restraining orders were cited by numerous participants and interviewees. In addition, police dispatcher's lack of knowledge about the geography of rural areas was cited as a deterrent to adequate service delivery. Personal acquaintance of police officers contributed to the lack of anonymity as did the use of police scanners which publicized cases of woman abuse to other residents in rural communities. Bell (1989) notes that police in rural communities tend not to take action in cases involving woman abuse. Websdale (1995a:104) refers to this as "passive policing." However, some police officers were found to be helpful, particularly when their senior officers were committed to stopping woman abuse. Additionally, policies such as Violence Against Women in Relationships (VAWIR) were also found to be helpful when implemented.

Courts and Legal Aid

Responses regarding the courts were largely negative. Key issues identified in response to questions about judicial system dealt with the long time lags between charges and court appearances; long waiting lists; lack of knowledge about woman abuse on the part of judges and other court personnel; the ineffectiveness of current sentences which were described as imposing harsher penalties for property crimes than for woman abuse; and the inaccessibility of the courts. Having to travel to distant courts was also identified as a significant barrier. In addition, the lack of privacy in courts often resulted in situations where women would have to face their abusers in public hallways or waiting rooms. Lack of anonymity often resulted in women survivors knowing court personnel and in having decisions made in court communicated to other residents.

Cutbacks to legal aid were also identified as barriers, especially impacting legal aid's refusal to take custody and access cases. However, interviewees stressed the stringent criteria for eligibility and how this did not meet their needs. Obtaining a divorce was one issue that women survivors cited as not being covered by legal aid and yet as being unaffordable to them. They also indicated that they had been forced to liquidate assets in order to qualify for legal aid or obtain legal services.

Impact of Rurality

Conditions specific to rural settings have an impact on women's access to social, medical and legal services. The most obvious factors are transportation and distance. Lack of anonymity and confidentiality play a significant role, as does the quality of services that are provided. Fahnestock (1992) notes that judges and court personnel in rural areas often have no knowledge about the dynamics of abuse or the necessity of ensuring women's safety. Added to this, police discretion, non-enforcement of restraining orders and peace bonds, and lack of implementation of policies heighten the risks faced by women in rural areas.

More than a decade ago, Petersen and Weissert, in surveying rural professionals (police, ministers, social workers, etc.), noted that:

The rural professionals surveyed showed little recognition of the broad constellation of needs that many abused spouses have. They seemed unaware generally that advocacy and "hand-holding" to help victims through all parts of the system are often necessary to help clients through critical junctures such as notifying the police, filing a warrant, obtaining welfare or employment and locating safe housing. (1982:192)

Their findings seem to be equally as valid today.

ENABLING AGENTS/FACTORS

Factors or agents that enabled women to leave abusive relationships centred mostly on accessibility to friends and other support networks. Primary among these were the programs and services offered by local transition houses and other women-centred services. Other enabling factors that were identified included: financial assistance, paid employment, victim services, advocates, crisis lines, some counsellors, and friends. As well, in some cases, individual police officers, teachers, clergy, and physicians were found to be helpful, but this depended on their understanding of the dynamics of abuse. Interviewees cited the helpfulness of various counselling programs, children who witness violence programs, food banks, and crisis lines. When survivors could access effective services and social support networks, they were able to leave the relationship. However, a dominant theme identified during the project was the need for safe places where women could access coordinated services and programs and trust that these services would be there.

Impact of Rurality

An important aspect of rural life identified in the literature is the formation of support networks (Crist, 1981, cited in Edleson and Frank, 1991). In rural communities, reliance on others for support and assistance is sometimes heightened by the lack of services, the nature of the geographic terrain, and weather. In addition, many of these communities are characterized by a core of inhabitants whose families have lived there for generations (Websdale, 1998). The familiarity and cohesiveness of rural communities is therefore enhanced by these factors and can both mitigate against or sanction woman abuse (Weisheit, et al., 1994).

SUMMARY

In summary, dominant and sub-dominant themes identified in this research lend further support to the findings in the current literature. Specific themes pertinent to rurality and the experience of woman abuse in the two research communities underscore the relevance of isolation (i.e., geographic, social, and cultural), accessibility to guns, lack of anonymity and confidentiality, community denial and backlash, lack of and/or inadequacy of services, family and community pressures, rural patriarchy, impersonal service delivery, and reliance on volunteer labour for community-based services. As well, the present study highlights the extreme fear with which women living with violence in rural areas experience both during the relationship and after. The themes discussed above also emphasize the positive contributions of advocates, women-centred services and transition houses to women survivors in rural areas.

Focus group data suggests that participants espouse different explanations for woman abuse. These include: psychological explanations which attribute the abuse to dysfunctional relationships; economic explanations which forward financial stress as a triggering mechanism; and, most commonly cited, a feminist explanation which ascribes violence against women to patriarchal values, beliefs and structures. The latter explanation was linked to the ethic of self-sufficiency by service providers in their focus group discussions. However, whether these explanations would differ in an urban context remains to be determined.

^10. Cooper notes that women are six times more likely to be killed by their husbands upon separation (1994:3).