Over the last three decades, violence against women has become
an increasingly topical area for community, academic and state-supported
research. However, the focus on specific groups of women who
may be more vulnerable to violence has been limited except for
research undertaken as a result of their advocacy efforts (e.g.,
Langlois, et al., 1996; Roeher Institute, 1994; Suleman and McLarty,
1997). To date, scant attention has been paid to the plight of
rural women who live with abuse (Biesenthal and Sproule, 1997;
Edleson and Frank, 1991; Navin, et al., 1993; Websdale, 1998).
This report seeks to address the issue of rural women's experience
of violence through an examination of two rural communities in
British Columbia.
DEFINITIONS
For the purposes of this study, we define violence against women
or woman abuse as:
…the misuse of power by a husband, intimate partner (whether male or female), ex-husband, or ex-partner against a woman, resulting in a loss of dignity, control, and safety as well as a feeling of powerlessness and entrapment experienced by the woman who is the direct victim of ongoing or repeated physical, psychological, economic, sexual, verbal, and/or spiritual abuse. Woman abuse also includes persistent threats or forcing women to witness violence against their children, other relatives, friends, pets, and/or cherished possessions by their husbands, partners, ex-husbands, or ex-partners. (DeKeseredy and MacLeod, 1997:5)
Similarly, the working definition of "rural" used in
this study borrows from the broad conceptual and qualitative approach
outlined by Websdale (1998). This approach is grounded in a "common
sense" definition of rurality rather than a strict, demographic
and quantitative definitional framework. Websdale defines "rural"
as a descriptive term "commonly understood to refer to the
countryside or small towns as opposed to cities" (1998:36).
The emphasis here is on demographic and economic factors, as
well as patterns of human interaction. "Rurality"
can then be measured in terms of population density, economic
base, distribution and access to services and resources (social,
economic, political and cultural), and social organization.
Using a quantitative approach, Statistics Canada defines rural
areas as those having a population base of less than 1,000 people
with a population density of less than 400 per square kilometre
(Biesenthal and Sproule, 1997). However, this definition takes
as its point of departure the inverse of what is considered to
be urban, i.e., any area with a population of more than 1,000
and population density exceeding 400 people per square kilometre.
More importantly, it excludes a community's or town's self
definition of being rural which could be derived from lack
of services and resources, distance from a major urban centre,
and/or dependency on agriculture or a single industry.
A BRIEF REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ON RURAL WOMEN AND VIOLENCE
Research concerning violence against women in rural areas is sparse.
Statistical analysis of the rates of violence in relationships
between urban and rural areas does not reveal any significant
differences (Biesenthal and Sproule, 1997; Kennedy and Dutton,
1989). However, existing research has highlighted specific issues
that impact on and intensify the experiences of rural women living
with abuse. Biesenthal and Sproule note that current research
coheres around five thematic areas which include: "(1) geographic
location (distance and physical infrastructure); (2) isolation;
(3) economic conditions; (4) access to services (justice system,
social services); (5) lack of anonymity/rural ethic of self-sufficiency"
(1997: 4). These factors are discussed below within the context
of a review of the wider literature dealing with rural women and
violence.
Current research highlights many of the unique problems faced
by rural women in abusive relationships (Biesenthal and Sproule,
1997; Brookbank, 1995; MacLeod, 1987). For example, there
tend to be fewer support services and resources, transportation
is limited, access to police and courts is sporadic, and service
providers are likely to be relatives or friends. In addition,
information about services and resources may be unavailable and
public awareness lacking. The Canadian Panel on Violence Against
Women (1993) concludes that women in isolated and rural communities
are particularly vulnerable to violence not only because of their
isolation but also as a result of the "current economic crisis
in rural communities, the shortage of resources and services …
community denial or a lack of confidentiality" (Marshall,
et al., 1993:72).
SPECIFIC FACTORS ASSOCIATED WITH RURALITY AND THEIR IMPACT ON VIOLENCE
Specific features of rural life that have been identified as impacting
on woman abuse include the above-mentioned factors as well as
traits typically associated with rurality. These include geographic
isolation, distance from services and neighbours, higher degrees
of community cohesion and social conformity; more strictly defined
gender roles and division of labour which are legitimized by the
greater influence of religion and religious values; and the close-knit
character of small towns and rural communities. Within this framework,
rural life is also typified in terms of an ethic of self-sufficiency
where independence and a rugged lifestyle are stressed, and where
guns may be the norm as weapons used for hunting and self-protection.
However, many of these factors are interwoven and inform the
fabric of rural life, hence their separation for the purposes
of this review is analytical at best.
Patriarchal Values
Feminist critiques of woman abuse have underscored the central
role of patriarchal beliefs and values in legitimizing and perpetuating
violence against women (DeKeseredy and MacLeod, 1997; Kelly, 1988;
Smith, 1990). Existing research highlights the stronger articulation
of patriarchal values and beliefs in rural areas (Olson, 1988;
Smith, 1990; Websdale, 1995a). Websdale (1998) argues for a concept
of "rural patriarchy" as an explanatory tool illustrating
the specific expression and form of patriarchal beliefs, attitudes
and values in rural settings. As he defines it,
By rural patriarchy I am referring to that articulation of patriarchy found distinctively in rural areas. Put specifically, the relative autonomous structures referred to by Walby (the patriarchal household, paid work; the patriarchal state; the patriarchal culture; patriarchal sexuality; and male violence) manifest themselves differently in rural areas, although these structures still constitute a readily discernible set of gender power relations. (Websdale, 1998:48)
The specific articulation of patriarchal values, attitudes and
beliefs in rural areas is underpinned by religious beliefs, community
cohesion and conformity, as well as the economic realities of
many rural areas which depend on single industries or agriculture.
Naturally, distance from urban areas and proximity to neighbours
are also integral parts of the forces that constitute the character
of rural life.
Religion
Several authors have commented on the role of religious beliefs
and values in rural communities (e.g., Feyen, 1996; Navin, et
al., 1993; Smith, 1990). Once again, while religion may be a
factor, it is the particular articulation of religious beliefs
and values in tandem with other factors of rural life that
may contribute to its role as a conservative force sanctioning
the use of violence against women. It is difficult to separate
out the patriarchal values embedded in religious traditions from
the articulation of patriarchy in rural communities. The two
forces intersect and reinforce each other. However, recent attempts
to curb violence against women in rural areas have often involved
the use of the church (e.g., Ragsdale, 1995).
Community Denial
Both urban- and rural-based research on woman abuse has identified
community denial and lack of ownership of the issue. However,
in rural areas, this denial may be intensified by the close-knit
nature of the community as well as its small size (Lovelace, 1993;
Peterson and Weissert, 1982). Denial in rural communities may
also stem from the community's image of itself as a "haven,"
free from the ills associated with urban life (Geauvreau, 1996).
In addition, the denial may be expressed as victim blaming and
acceptance (Lovelace, 1993). These same issues are at play in
urban contexts. Nevertheless, what separates the urban experience
from its rural counterpart is that in small communities with few
resources, denial becomes a major barrier because of the lack
of alternatives. This would include alternative reference groups,
sources of support, and services (Hymers, 1993).
Community Cohesion and Conformity
The cohesiveness of rural communities has been noted in the literature
as impacting on woman abuse. These communities have been identified
as having a "close-knit" character (Biesenthal and Sproule,
1997; Websdale, 1995a; Weisheit, et al., 1994). One aspect of
this is the lack of anonymity and confidentiality, since service
providers often know their clients. As well, community cohesiveness
can accentuate the experience of denial and backlash against those
who speak out about woman abuse (Navin, et al., 1993). The latter
has been noted in regional community-based studies on woman abuse
which are discussed below (Geauvreau, 1996).
Community cohesion does not always work against women experiencing
abuse. Depending on the community, community cohesion can be
used to apply punitive sanctions on woman abuse and to better
mobilize communities to participate in anti-violence activities.
In fact, community cohesiveness in rural areas has been linked
to lower levels of crime (Weisheit, et al., 1994). According
to Weisheit, et al.:
…the rural dweller has substantially more physical privacy but substantially less social privacy. The phrase "everybody knows everybody else's businesses around here" is common in rural communities. Whether close social scrutiny so characteristic of rural life is a protective cocoon or a smothering blanket depends on one's perspective, but it clearly has implications for crime and justice in the rural setting…. (1994:393)
Thus, it is not the close-knit nature of these communities per
se that is problematic for women living with violence in rural
areas, but rather the specific values that underpin and inform
that community's identity and cohesion. Where patriarchal values
intersect with community conformity and cohesion, the effects
can be disastrous for women in rural areas (Navin, et al., 1993).
On the other hand, informal networks in rural communities can
be used advantageously by those providing direct services to women
survivors of abuse (Crist, 1981, cited in Edleson and Frank, 1991).
The Lack of Anonymity
As indicated in the preceding section, lack of anonymity has also
been found to be a significant barrier impacting on rural women
living with violence. This factor is closely tied in with the
lack of confidentiality in service delivery (Edleson and Frank,
1991; Fahnestock, 1992; Weisheit, et al., 1994). Lack of anonymity
makes it particularly difficult for women to access services without
being socially condemned or humiliated (Biesenthal and Sproule,
1997; Websdale, 1998). In addition, in many rural areas, the
widespread reliance on telephone party lines and other types of
open communication technologies is a significant deterrent for
women who are experiencing violence (Bosnahan, 1984).
Isolation
Isolation has been defined as constituting the major barrier for
rural women living with violence (Irving, 1985; Navin, et al.,
1993; Olson, 1988; Websdale, 1998). Isolation can be broken down
into specific components. These include geographic isolation,
socio-cultural isolation, and psychological isolation. Websdale
(1995a) offers another schematic typology for defining the different
kinds of isolation experienced by women in rural settings. His
typology includes physical isolation which would be akin to geographic
isolation, socio-cultural isolation stemming from patriarchally
defined gender roles and ideologies, and institutional isolation
referring to the lack or inaccessibility of services (Biesenthal
and Sproule, 1997).
Geographic Isolation
By their very nature, rural communities tend to be more physically
isolated simply by virtue of their distance from urban centres
(Deavers, 1992). This physical isolation is accentuated by the
lack of adequate public transportation and other diverse services
that characterize urban settings (Biesenthal and Sproule, 1997;
Edleson and Frank, 1991; Navin, et al., 1993; Websdale, 1998).
It has been argued that abusers will often relocate to rural
areas in order to further isolate their partners (Fahnestock,
1992; Websdale, 1995b).
Women living in rural areas face additional obstacles when attempting
to leave their abusive partners. Leaving a home that is located
several miles from the nearest paved road, with her children,
is not only difficult but can expose a woman to the dangers of
being discovered in mid-flight. The act of leaving, which itself
is an act of resistance, can result in severe and often, lethal
violence. Lack of public transportation also makes leaving a
rural home more difficult and dangerous. Other factors, such
as weather conditions, must also be calculated into the decision
to leave (Biesenthal and Sproule, 1997; Irving, 1985; Navin, et
al., 1993).
Institutional isolation, which Websdale (1995b) defines as distance
to and lack of services, is intimately tied in with geographic
isolation. In smaller communities that are located in rural areas
or on the outskirts of urban areas and have few resources, residents
must travel to the nearest urban centres for services (Hymers,
1993).
Socio-cultural Isolation
According to Websdale, "Rural family life, gender roles,
and patriarchal ideology generate acute forms of socio-cultural
isolation" (1995a:104). Abusive partners often tend to limit
the amount of contact that a woman has with her family, friends
and social networks. In a rural setting, however, the isolation
is compounded by the physical distance from networks of support
(Edleson and Frank, 1991). In addition, cultural isolation also
occurs when the woman cannot access social support systems or
services because of a lack of knowledge about the dominant language,
values and beliefs. This is particularly true for Aboriginal
and immigrant and refugee women (Jaffer, et al., 1992; MacLeod
and Shin, 1990).
Psychological Isolation
Psychological isolation is common to woman abuse in both urban
and rural settings. It is an integral part of the dynamics of
abuse whereby abusers control both their partners' behaviour and
interactions with the outside world. However, in rural areas,
psychological isolation is accentuated by the lack of witnesses
to the abuse (Websdale, 1998). Distance between neighbours can
make the experience of abuse seem more isolating.
In addition, psychological isolation may be "self-imposed"
to the extent that women will refrain from participating in public
life for fear of humiliation and to appease their abusive partners
(Navin, et al., 1993).
Economic Realities of Rural Life
The economic crises affecting traditional industries in rural
communities have resulted in increasing levels of stress and poverty
for many families. As the Canadian Panel on Violence against
Women reports:
There is no question that economic downturns, industrial layoffs, farm crises, fish plant closings, etc., have an impact on the incidence of violence against rural women, particularly within households. This additional stress, financial concerns, feelings of frustration and inadequacy can compound a woman's vulnerability. (Marshall, et al., 1993:72)
A detailed analysis of the impact of the economic decline in rural
areas on woman abuse has yet to be undertaken. However, as studies
such as Luxton's (1980) indicate, the levels of violence against
women increase at times of economic recession.
Websdale (1998) argues the belief that women should not work outside
the family home in rural areas has been forced to yield to the
contemporary economic reality where dual incomes are a necessity,
particularly for depressed rural areas. Despite this necessity,
the concept of women working outside their homes strikes at the
heart of patriarchal ideology where men are held to be the primary
breadwinners. This in turn escalates woman abuse.
Economic considerations have also been cited as a major factor
that deters women from leaving abusive relationships in both urban
and rural areas. The situation is compounded in rural areas where
there is a dearth of employment opportunities, job-skills training
programs, and services for women (Coorey, nd, cited in Biesenthal
and Sproule, 1997; Websdale, 1995a).
Services
The current literature consistently highlights the lack of adequate
services in rural areas (Biesenthal and Sproule, 1997; Edleson
and Frank, 1991; Navin, et al., 1993; Petersen and Weissert, 1982).
Edleson and Frank (1991) note reliance on volunteer labour to
staff services for survivors of violence. The lack of services
are compounded by the inadequacy of existing services, their distance
from rural areas, and the costs of transportation involved in
accessing them. This is applicable to legal, social, medical,
and educational services.
In addition, existing services are often inadequate in terms of
response time, long waiting lists, lack of confidentiality, and
lack of knowledge about the particular needs and concerns of women
survivors of abuse (Bell, 1989; Fahnestock, 1992; Irving, 1985;
Navin, et al., 1993; Olson, 1988).
Websdale (1998) argues that the low level of service provision
in rural areas is intimately linked to the limited tax base of
these areas. Hence, without an adequately sized population, revenue
generated from taxes is equally low and, thus, services are limited.
Similarly, service provision may be tied to the rationale of
serving the greatest number of those in need. Since rural areas
have low population sizes, governments may choose to allocate
scarce resources and services to areas with a substantially larger
population.
The Rural Ethic of Self-sufficiency
Several studies have noted that the ethic of self-sufficiency
prevalent in rural areas impedes women from asking for help or
accessing services to leave violent relationships (Biesenthal
and Sproule, 1997; Websdale, 1998). This ethic, born of the historical
need for self-sufficiency and subsistence, has been the basis
of security to many families. It has led to a strong association
between people and the land on which they live.
Guns
While the prevalence of violence using guns against women in rural
and urban communities is not statistically significant, the current
literature does highlight the greater accessibility and use of
guns in rural areas to intimidate, terrorize and murder women
who are in violent relationships (Websdale, 1998). In many rural
areas, guns are part of the household, often used for hunting
and protection. Nolan (1992) suggests that:
Domestic killings occur disproportionately in rural areas and it is believed that this may reflect the high levels of gun ownership in the country. Many victims of domestic violence also report being threatened with firearms. (1992:23)
This finding has also been reiterated by Dansy Consultants Inc.
who found that violence was a factor in 80 percent of the cases
involving firearm homicides (1992:15). While gun ownership and
accessibility may not be the sole reason for wife-killing in rural
areas, the fact that they are present and accessible may accentuate
their use in situations of violence. Second, it may be more viable
to discharge a firearm in a rural area without being detected
or attracting police attention.
COMMUNITY-BASED STUDIES
British Columbia has the highest reported rates of violence against
women in Canada, at 59 percent (Statistics Canada, 1993).(1) However,
the rates for woman abuse in rural versus urban areas were not
found to be significant, at 46 percent and 54 percent respectively
(Statistics Canada, 1993:3). Spousal violence or wife assault
rates were also found to be similar, 37 percent for urban areas,
and 35 percent for rural areas (Biesenthal and Sproule, 1997).
Rural areas, according to Statistics Canada, comprise 19.6 percent
of the province's land mass and have a population of 641,920 (Biesenthal
and Sproule, 1997).(2)
There has been little attention paid to rural women's experiences
of violence except in the form of community-based needs assessment
studies. However, in 1985 the Vancouver-based national feminist
newspaper, Kinesis, conducted informal interviews with
women's centres and transition houses located in rural and remote
areas of BC. The author noted the difficulties of transportation
and lack of information about services and resources for abused
women in these communities (Irving, 1985). Similarly, in 1992,
the BC Task Force on Family Violence recommended that:
Women who live in rural and remote communities face barriers in seeking help to deal with wife assault. In order to have access to a transition house or emergency shelter, they may have to travel long distances. Both in terms of crisis intervention and ongoing safety and protection, there are fewer services available, and less access to service providers trained in the dynamics of wife assault. (Jaffer, et al., 1992:80)
Occasionally, issues about woman abuse in rural areas make their way into the provincial newspapers such as The Vancouver Sun and The Province (e.g., McLellan, 1992), calling attention to the lack of services, transportation, and the lack of anonymity in small towns. More recently, in the coverage dealing with the murder of Leonora Holtam and her daughter Jenny, the reporter identified the location as "the couple's rural home outside Mission…" (Culbert, 1998). However, even in this context, the coverage tends to imply that woman abuse in rural settings is infrequent and therefore highly shocking to local residents. It appears that woman abuse is rarely seen as worthy of mention unless taken to its ultimate extreme, resulting in the death of a woman and/or her children.
Despite the lack of scholarly attention to the issues impacting
on rural women living with violence in BC, there has been a significant
amount of research produced by local community and feminist organizations.
Some of these organizations and their publications are described
below.
Salt Spring Island Women Opposed to Violence and Abuse (SWOVA)
SWOVA was formed in 1992 to address gaps in services for women
survivors of violence. The group's mandate includes public education
and raising awareness about violence against women, advocating
for survivors of violence, and lobbying for social change. The
group received a grant from the BC Health Research Foundation
and began its work by conducting a survey on domestic violence
in the local schools. As one of the founders recalled, at the
time when the group was founded:
…there were no safe houses, victim's services, support groups, manageable access to a transition house, sexual assault services, local crisis line, no women's groups committed to delivering resources or information and no coordination within the present construct of agencies responding, case by case, to "domestic violence." (Geauvreau, 1996:xiii)
The initial school survey results were shocking to the community
of Salt Spring Island. The results revealed that 21 percent of
the girls in the local high school had witnessed violence in their
homes, 15 students were being sexually abused, and 44 percent
of boys in Grade 8 thought it acceptable to rape their girlfriends.
SWOVA subsequently conducted another survey focussing on women
who had experienced violence on both Salt Spring and Pender Islands.
The surveys revealed that more than half the women residing on
Salt Spring Island had been victims of violence. These findings
led the group to develop a service arm to their organization and
fundraise for other services aimed at helping women leave violent
relationships. A transition house was subsequently set up and
within the first 3 months of operation, its beds had been used
297 times by women leaving abusive relationships (Geauvreau, 1996).
Throughout its various endeavours, SWOVA has experienced backlash,
apathy, and denial from the community. As Geauvreau notes:
Rural communities are held to be less critically affected by violence. Open air, free space, quiet, less crime, close-knit, no traffic jams or siren wails, all these are the perfumes added to the romantic cachet of rural life. Beneath the odor of innocence, however, rises the stench of violence against women and children. (1996:23)
These stereotypes about rural life as being idyllic and free of
conflict have also been noted in the existing literature ( e.g.,
Biesenthal and Sproule, 1997; Smith, 1980; Websdale, 1998). In
addition, SWOVA's experience of backlash and public denial of
woman abuse has been cited in studies dealing with other rural
areas (e.g., Lovelace, 1993; Navin, et al., 1993; Petersen and
Weissert, 1982).
SWOVA's research highlighted the lack of services for women leaving
violent relationships, as well as the lack of implementation of
criminal justice policies concerning violence against women (Geauvreau,
1996). These issues have also been noted in the literature dealing
with criminal justice responses to rural women and violence (e.g.,
Bell, 1985, 1989). For example, Bell notes that police officers
in rural areas often do not intervene in cases involving violence
against women in relationships. Rather, their tendency is to
offer mediation and other alternative dispute resolution strategies.
Aside from denial, backlash, and a lack of services, Geauvreau
identifies other factors that impact on rural women living with
violence. She notes:
In reality, a rural woman who suffers abuse in her daily life is isolated, fears for her anonymity, cannot rely on sporadic or inconsistent response, and must travel sometimes over a hundred miles to the nearest shelter. Add to these problems the loss of her natural support systems in her own community if she has to leave for a distant shelter, the impossibilities of public transit if a car is unavailable, neighbours and friends who live miles away, and the removal of her children from home and school. ….Within the rural perspective, the culture of denial and backlash, the "long winter of patriarchy," can remain the greatest burden of all. (1996:23)
These issues concerning lack of adequate services, anonymity,
transportation, patriarchal values and fear of reprisal from the
abuser have been documented in other community-based studies focussing
on rural areas (e.g., Dempster, 1995; Frank, 1996; Hopkins, et
al., 1995).(3)
The North Island Network to Resist and Heal from Violence
The North Island Network emerged in 1994 as a result of a series
of workshops that were held in 7 different communities in British
Columbia. These communities include: Cumberland, Comox Valley,
Denman Island, Port Alberni, Gold River, Campbell River, and the
West coast. The workshops were designed using a participatory
action research approach and were aimed at enabling communities
to prioritize areas of concern and identify potential solutions.
The Network subsequently grew and linked up with other rural
groups such as SWOVA. In 1995, the Network evolved into the Rural
Women's Network which brought together women from rural and remote
communities in BC.
The Network's initial series of workshops resulted in a document
that not only identified specific needs within each of the communities,
but also focussed on potential solutions or services. Needs that
were found to be common across the various communities included:
the need for additional services; accessibility to services based
on inadequate transportation; lack of child care and anonymity;
increased public awareness about existing services; the need to
change community attitudes about women; public education about
woman abuse; ways of dealing with the backlash; and community
resistance. Specific issues dealt with the lack of a 911 emergency
number, the existence and use of party telephone lines which compromised
privacy, and the isolation that women experience. For instance,
one of the items listed as an issue to be discussed at a workshop
focussed on emotional and psychological abuse. As this participant
stated:
With emotional abuse, he doesn't give her any money; he isolates her from her friends; he doesn't say where he is going, but demands to know where she is; he moves the family often; he keeps her dependent, always answering to him; he is jealous all the time. (Dempster, 1995:22)
In addition to the above, specific communities highlighted the
particular experiences they had encountered. Members at one of
the workshops noted that there was considerable gossip in the
community after they had intervened in a case involving woman
abuse. Further, they described "an 'outlaw streak' in the
community whereby police are not called and the old boy's network
interprets what needs to be done in various situations" (Dempster,
1995:45). Another workshop stressed the absence of safe places
for women in the community, as well as barriers in finding affordable
housing.
Prior to the formation of the North Island Network, a needs assessment
of women in Powell River, funded by the BC Ministry of Women's
Equality, also revealed the inadequacy of services for women survivors
of abuse (Barter, 1993). The study surveyed 472 women in the
area and found that 43.6 percent had personally or known a family
member who had experienced emotional abuse; 28.6 percent had experienced
"family" violence; 25.6 percent had experienced sexual
abuse, and 16.5 percent had been sexually assaulted. Having no
safe place to go, not being aware of local services, and being
reluctant to approach the police forced many of these women to
remain in the abusive relationship. Further, shame and fear of
both the abuser and of the reaction from family and friends were
cited by respondents as the primary reasons why women did not
seek help for the abuse.
The issues raised in the context of these workshops have been
reiterated in the literature dealing with rural women and violence.
For example, Edleson and Frank (1991) found that there are few
employment and housing opportunities and few child care services
for women in rural areas. Fahnestock (1992) and Hymers (1993)
both identified the lack of anonymity for women living with abuse
in rural areas as a significant barrier. The prevalence of patriarchal
values in rural communities has also been emphasized by Smith
(1990) and Websdale (1998).
Aboriginal Women Living with Abuse in Rural Areas
Dempster's report of the workshops also highlights the specific
needs of Aboriginal women. One of the workshop sites involved
both on- and off-reserve Aboriginal women. A major concern identified
by them was the lack of culturally sensitive services. As well,
the lack of confidentiality and privacy on reserves was found
to be a major deterrent for women in abusive relationships. Economic
issues were also mentioned by workshop participants. As community
members indicated:
We need to address the on/off reserve issues, some of which are economic, i.e., the transition house is supposed to bill the Band when a woman from that Band uses their services. But the transition house does not bill in order to protect the confidentiality of the woman. (Dempster, 1995:30)
Aboriginal women from one of the other communities emphasized
their fears of reprisal from the abuser and his extended family.
As well, they mentioned their concern about child apprehension
if they were to report the abuse. The need for an Aboriginal
Women's transition house was also stressed.
The concerns of Aboriginal women in rural areas has been the focus
of investigation of a number of other community-based studies
(e.g., Frank, 1996; Hare, 1997; and, Hopkins, et al., 1995).
Sharlene Frank's (1996) needs assessment for an Aboriginal women's
transition house in the Campbell River area outlines some of the
barriers that Aboriginal women encounter when attempting to access
services dealing with woman abuse. Specific rural communities
examined for this study included Campbell River, Cape Mudge, Comox,
and Klahoose. The study clearly addressed the issue of woman
abuse within the historical framework of the violence directed
at indigenous peoples through the process of colonization.
Frank found that Aboriginal women were reluctant to access non-Aboriginal services for a variety of reasons. These were identified as fears of child apprehension and spousal reprisal, lack or inaccessibility of transportation, issues of self-esteem, and alienation. In addition, they cited community pressures as inhibiting them from leaving abusive relationships. Lack of confidence in the criminal justice system was also cited by Aboriginal women survivors as a significant factor influencing their decisions not to seek legal assistance.
Another study focussing on Aboriginal women's health by Catherine
Hart (1995) found that less than half of the Aboriginal women
residing in the area had used any health or social services.
Most relied on family and friends for support because of fear
and distrust of mainstream agencies.
Drawing on many of the previous community-based research and action projects involving Aboriginal communities, Frank (1996) cites a study which examined the type of abuse most frequently experienced by Aboriginal peoples. This study, conducted by Robert Kiyosh of the Helping Spirit Lodge, canvassed three specific groups - "1) victims/witnesses (male and female) of aboriginal ancestry; 2) agency/service providers; 3) elders" (Frank, 1996:21). Of those surveyed, 99 percent had suffered mental or emotional abuse, 84 percent physical abuse, and 75 percent sexual abuse. In response to the question "who is most often abused," 83 percent of the respondents indicated women ("wives"), 80 percent said children, 23 percent mentioned the elderly, 12 percent said "husband", and 6 percent indicated "other." In response to the question identifying the abuser, 89 percent of the respondents mentioned "husband," 31 percent said "wife" and 16 percent said relatives and acquaintances.
In a more recent study, Jan Hare (1997), interviewed 28 caregivers
representing 57 Aboriginal communities and 5 First Nations organizations
from around BC. Her interviewees reported the lack of training,
support, funding, and services as being endemic to reserve and
off-reserve Aboriginal communities. As well, Aboriginal peoples
faced additional barriers stemming from distances to services,
long waiting lists, and racism. As she noted:
The unique characteristics of First Nations communities create distinct problems in trying to address family violence at the community level. The small size and geographical isolation of some communities limit service availability and accessibility. … Instead of receiving support and assistance from within their community, Aboriginal women are forced to leave their family and community, ending up in urban communities seeking help. (Hare, 1997:15, emphasis added)
These issues have been echoed in other studies. For example,
Feinman (1992) refers specifically to the imposition of European
patriarchal structure on Navajo peoples. As well, existing studies
have highlighted the need for more culturally sensitive and anti-racist
services for Aboriginal and immigrant women (Coorey, nd, A.R.A.
Consultants, 1985, cited in Biesenthal and Sproule, 1997; MacLeod
and Shin, 1990).
These BC-based studies highlight the vulnerability of Aboriginal
women both on and off reserve. The relevance of these studies
to an examination of rural women and violence is that many Aboriginal
people are located in reserves and outlying districts which are
rural areas. Hence, access to transportation and services is
not always possible, and for many First Peoples, the history and
violence of colonialism and racism continues to impact on their
relationship with agencies of the criminal justice system.
Protocols and Policies
A significant amount of work has been done by smaller communities
in rural areas in BC to develop protocol agreements with criminal
justice, health, and social service organizations extant in these
areas. Some of these have emerged from coordinating committees
funded by the BC Ministry of Attorney General,(4) to oversee the
implementation of the Violence Against Women in Relationships
Policy (see Appendix A for a copy of this policy).(5) These committees
include representatives from community-based service delivery
organizations, advocates, and "systems" (i.e., justice,
health, education, and social services). The protocols have enabled
communities to attempt to treat woman abuse in a more coordinated
and orchestrated fashion. More importantly, they are an
attempt to verify the
commitment and accountability of the different organizations mandated
to protect and help women (Welch, 1994). However, the efficacy
of these protocols remains to be determined.
CONCLUSION
While most of the above studies have focussed on women in rural
areas, few of them have elaborated on the specific aspects of
rurality that impact on women living with abuse. Most of the
community-based studies to date have tended to be framed as needs
assessments. Thus, the experiential realities of women experiencing
abuse are not centred, but rather the focus is on service delivery
or the lack of services in a given area. Additionally, these
studies emphasize the lack of information and education about
woman abuse, as well as the public denial of the issue. The lack
of adequate and accessible transportation has been identified
in some of these studies as constituting a barrier. Similarly,
studies focussing on the needs of Aboriginal women have stressed
the lack of confidentiality, privacy and anonymity, as well as
the absence of culturally relevant and sensitive services.
Directions for Future Research
On the basis of this brief review, as well as the overview of
academic-based research provided by Biesenthal and Sproule (1997),
it is clear that further research is required to address several
key issues. The first issue concerns the need to bring back women's
voices and to privilege women's experiences and realities of coping
with and leaving abusive relationships in rural areas. Second,
additional research is required to interrogate aspects of rurality
such as isolation, the kinds of social relations, the matrix of
institutional support and services, and the socio-cultural values
that impact on women living with abuse in rural areas. This is
critical insofar as it enables researchers and policy makers to
define how violence is experienced and dealt with by rural women
as opposed to their urban sisters. More importantly, the resulting
analysis would reveal points of intervention for the implementation
of specific policies and initiatives aimed at ameliorating the
situation of rural women living with violence. It would also
identify services which are effective and useful to women survivors
of violence. Finally, future research needs to include an examination
of the systemic barriers experienced by women leaving abusive
relationships, as well as ways in which communities can be mobilized
to provide more support and encouragement for survivors of violence.
These gaps and directions for future research are summarized
below:
The Present Research
The present research seeks to address some of the gaps in the
literature by examining the experiences of women survivors of
abuse, women's advocates, service providers and community residents
in two rural communities in BC. The demographic features of these
communities are described in the following section. This is followed
by a discussion of the research strategy and the particular methodological
tools that were used to obtain and analyze the data. Thereafter,
a thematic analysis of the findings is presented, followed by
a discussion of the relevant themes. The conclusion and recommendations
stem from the analysis and provide directions for policy makers,
service providers, and further research.
DESCRIPTION OF THE RESEARCH SITES
This study examined the impact of rurality on women who have experienced
violence in two communities in British Columbia. The two communities
were identified as appropriate sites for the research investigation
on the basis of their geographic profile and the availability
of community-based researchers who were familiar with issues concerning
violence against women. However, before detailing the specific
features of these sites, the following section provides a contextual
background on rural BC.
A PROFILE OF RURAL BRITISH COLUMBIA
As Canada's third largest and most western province, British Columbia
covers 948,596 square kilometres. The length of the province
lies between the 49th and 60th parallels and is bracketed by the
Pacific Ocean on the west and the Rocky Mountains on the east.
Rural Industries
Farming, fishing, logging, and mining were once characteristic
of rural occupations and industries in BC, but a shift from these
traditional occupations and industries has occurred in more recent
times. These traditional spheres of employment are gradually
being replaced by manufacturing. Hence, it is not unusual to
find small communities whose survival depends upon a single industry.
By far, the most prevalent traditional industry is forestry.
Nearly half of the province (approximately 47 million hectares)
is forested, primarily by coniferous softwood (fir, hemlock, spruce,
and pine). Pressure on the forest industry is steadily increasing
with the demand to preserve the forests for wildlife, recreation,
and as a resource for subsequent generations.
In addition to forestry, mining, agriculture, the mainstay of
traditional industries is made up of fishing and maritime commerce.
Most of these activities have suffered an economic decline as
a result of globalization and a recessionary economy.
Newer Industries
Manufacturing in the form of pulp and paper industries have been
part of the traditional economy of the province. More recently,
manufacturing has diversified to include sports equipment, fabric,
and furniture. In addition, the film industry and tourism have
become new economic ventures. Tourism is now the second largest
industry and the province's largest employer. Finally, government
is a significant employer, particularly in rural areas, and many
Canadian Armed Forces bases are located in the smaller communities
employing large numbers of civilians.
RESEARCH SITES - COUNTRY TOWN AND RURAL VILLE
Research describing these two sites has been derived from BC Statistics,
the 1996 Census (Statistics Canada), BC Tourism and the various
Chambers of Commerce. Both sites are considered rural insofar
as they fit the statistical criteria of having a population density
of less than 400 people per square kilometre. Further, the sites
selected include 4 island communities. Pseudonyms have been used
to identify the research sites in order to protect confidentiality
of all those who participated in the research project.
Country Town
"Country Town" is a pseudonym for a much larger geographic
area consisting of three small towns and outlying areas totalling
1,665 square kilometres with a total population of 67,215. The
population density is 40.4 individuals per square kilometre.
The main industries include: agriculture, pulp and paper, forestry
and logging, mining, fishing, tourism, and aquaculture. In addition,
all levels of government have offices in the urban areas. A Canadian
Armed Forces Base is also located in the area. The median income
for women is $13,000 whereas for men, it is $27,500. The area
has 1 hospital, and 3 newspapers. The majority of residents have
some high school education or a trade certificate. Two major
commercial towns are located within 3 hours by car. Local transportation
is available but outlying areas have infrequent service. Further,
some forms of transportation operate on limited schedules and
are not available at night. Emergency flights to one of the urban
centres which is approximately 200 kilometres away can cost up
to $170 one way and in the more remote regions, air travel is
the only emergency transportation available. There is 1 transition
house , 1 women's centre, and 1 RCMP detachment serving the area.
There are 24 schools and a college.
Rural Ville
Rural Ville has two small towns. Together with the outlying areas,
the total size of Rural Ville is 180 square kilometres with a
population of 10,000 and a population density of 55.6 individuals
per square kilometre. The main industries are farming and forestry.
Other industries include tourism and trade. In 1995, the median
income for women was $17,464 whereas for men, it was $26,962.
There is no local transportation available in this area and taxis
are limited and expensive. Public transportation to the urban
centres outside the region are costly and helicopter service is
required for emergencies. The nearest large urban centre is approximately
one hour by ferry plus another 40 kilometres overland. Local
transportation to one of the large urban centres outside the area
costs $20 for one person with a vehicle. The time schedule is
limited with no public transportation available at night except
for helicopters and water taxis. Over 90 percent of the residents
have post-secondary education. There are 4 schools and 2 pre-schools.
Aside from the local RCMP detachment, all other services are
staffed by volunteers. The area has 1 transition house, a volunteer-based
Victim Assistance Services program, and several community service
programs. There is 1 provincial government agent but no other
form of local government. The area is served by 2 newspapers.
1.
The economic cost of violence in BC
has been estimated at $385 million. This is not a complete figure as
it is only based on costs of emergency response
services. For more information, see Kerr and MacLean (1996).
2.
In contrast, urban areas comprise 80.4
percent and have a population of 2,640,135 (Biesenthal and
Sproule, 1997:3).
3.
Hopkins, et al. (1995) focus on services
for women survivors in the Yukon.
4.
There are a total of 17 coordinating
committees in BC, of which 5 are funded (Vancouver Coordinating
Committee Orientation Information, 1995).
5.
For a critical analysis of
the implementation of this Policy from the perspective of
front-line women-centred organizations in BC, see Jiwani and
Buhagiar (1997).
6.
The need for community-based research
was identified at a "gathering" of community researchers convened
by the FREDA Centre in April, 1996. Fifteen researchers from
around the province, many from small communities, emphasized the
need for participatory-action research and community-based research,
as well as follow-ups to the recommendations resulting from the
research (FREDA, 1996).